Before diving into the alleged ties between Benjamin Netanyahu, Nathan Milikowsky, and the German organization ThyssenKrupp regarding the so-called submarine affair, there are 
critical inquiries to be asked approximately the top minister’s relations with his cousin and taxes. Milikowsky has for many years given Netanyahu massive amounts of cash, similar to six-figure contributions to the prime minister’s criminal defense fund and loans amounting to hundreds of lots of greenbacks. The men have been added in business collectively, co-proudly owning a production employer until Milikowsky purchased Netanyahu’s stake for 16 million shekels ($four.440 million).
Here’s what we know about the only way money trail between Milikowsky and Netanyahu: Milikowsky has been assisting Netanyahu for years, giving him numerous thousand greenbacks in cash every few weeks. Netanyahu told this to investigators for the so-referred to as Case 1000, regarding allegations that he time-honored illegal items from rich businesspeople. By explaining how he paid for several of the cigars allegedly furnished by using Hollywood manufacturer Arnon Milchan, Netanyahu stated he used cash that his generous cousin Nathan gave him. The high minister advised detectives that it changed into a circle of relatives tradition that started while Milikowsky’s father helped guide his father. Milikowsky confirmed the tale. As said currently, Netanyahu and Velikovsky had joint ownership of stock in Seadrift Coke, a Texas-based total producer of petroleum needle coke. If Netanyahu’s model is credible, he acquired the shares in 2007, while he was the chairman of the Knesset’s opposition, and sold them to his cousin in November 2010. Only in Netanyahu’s lexicon can someone who does business with him to the track of sixteen million shekels be characterized as a relative who presents him with coins as a part of a “financial guide.” Anyone who can see instantly would know that Netanyahu isn’t needy, and Milikowsky is no philanthropist. Netanyahu is a high minister, and Milikowsky is a capitalist — and they’re business companions.
In 2009 Netanyahu requested and obtained permission from a committee inside the State Comptroller’s Office to accept a mortgage from Milikowsky for tax debt. The scope of the debt and the mortgage isn’t regarded. Netanyahu refuses to divulge those figures publicly.
Israel Channel 13 News mentioned this week that when Milikowsky bought Netanyahu’s stake in Sea Drift Coke in November 2010, $ hundred seventy-five 000 became deducted from Netanyahu’s payment. The high minister’s associates said this turned into to pay off the loan that was authorized using the State Comptroller’s Office in 2009. The tax debt became owed on a dividend issued by Seadrift to shareholders, such as Netanyahu. There is a motive to question this account, but there may be absolute confidence that Netanyahu borrowed at least $ hundred seventy-five 000 from Milikowsky. Before Netanyahu approached the approvals committee in the State Comptroller’s Office, Milikowsky had already given the prime minister’s attorneys $300,000 closer to Netanyahu’s felony prices. Netanyahu desires to increase this amount to $1 million. There is a reason to question Milikowsky’s largesse. Why could he deliver a lot to the top minister? How can we make sure that these price ranges, ostensibly for Netanyahu’s prison fees, are, in reality, a donation and now not a part of the two men’s enterprise relationship? The approvals committee has determined that it cannot distinguish between Milikowsky, the donor, and Milikowsky, the business associate. The committee didn’t simply say this. It essentially shouted it out in a decision that turned like an alarm bell toward the police, the lawyer standard’s office, the authorities — and the tax government. Are the tax authorities not fascinated while enterprise companions, one in all the high minister, explicitly admit to passing coins, described as donations or as “allowance cash,” among them for years?
The maximum suspicious element of the Netanyahu-Milikowsky dating is the high minister’s dissemination of false data in a clear and blatant attempt to disguise this courting from the public. Perhaps this concerns Netanyahu and Milikowsky’s enterprise relationship with the ThyssenKrupp dealer GrafTech. The efforts to hide the overall nature of those relations is every other reality that should be placed red caution bells to the tax authorities. When it was first published in 2017, Milikowsky became the owner of one of all ThyssenKrupp’s providers; Netanyahu said he had nothing to do with the commercial enterprise dealings of his relative and that he had never mentioned this with him. Netanyahu’s first version became untrue when the approvals committee exposed that he had inventory in Milikowsky’s firm approximately a month ago. Netanyahu’s advocates have now provided model No. 2, consistent with which he purchased the list while he was a private citizen; before 2002. This version also doesn’t hold up. On Friday, the Marker said that the organization in which Netanyahu held stock became based in 2005 — when he became the finance minister. Netanyahu adhered to this model for three days, until Monday. Then, he issued a third model in response to a video distributed using Kahol Lavan, the electoral alliance of Benny Gantz and Yair Lapid. He said he sold the shares in 2007, when he changed into the head of the opposition. The frequent changes to the inventory possession story show that he knows something is fishy. However, these contradictions are not handiest in statements to the media and inside the numerous versions given to the approvals committee.
When Netanyahu asked for permission to get hold of finances from Milikowsky, he supplied him as definitely a relative, a donor inspired by generosity. The committee should have investigated the history of Netanyahu’s previous requests, which had defined their dating in entirely distinctive terms. So who is Nathan Milikowsky to Netanyahu? A donor or an enterprise accomplice? Cousin or deep pocket? These are the questions that should situation the tax government. “Nathan Milikowsky and the prime minister in no way did any accounting among them, and then try to create the appearance as though any business accounting changed into done between them is false and ridiculous,” Amit Hadad, a lawyer for Netanyahu, stated in response. Sara Netanyahu, the high minister’s wife, said she and her husband are not in the habit of sporting credit score playing cards.
